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( Kate van Doore's partner orphanage in Uganda )

Uganda: Orphanage Swindles Donor Money

THE memories still linger. Of little children chattering around, climbing walls and scampering for porridge. They screamed and, like tiny birds chirped around their 'mother'- a dark-skinned woman with a tardy accent. Her name - Pastor Florence Athieno.The year was 2009. The place? Love Ministries Orphanage in Kisimu village in Nabweru sub-county in Wakiso district. Two years down the road, everything is gone. Love Ministries has been closed.

LOVE Ministries has been dragged to Police by its Australian funders for embezzling funds meant to support the orphanage. Forget Me Not Children's Home (FMNCH), a registered Australian children's charity, has been supporting the orphanage for the last one year.

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Resume

We are regularly startled by reports of illegal admission of children with the aim of adopting them and offering them a safe home. Sometimes innocent, sometimes very calculated adults, circumvent the law. [1]

preface

In recent years we have been regularly startled in the newspapers by reports about illegal admission of children with the aim of adopting them and offering them a safe home. Sometimes innocent, sometimes very calculating adults circumvent the law.

The desire to raise a child is great. Having a child via the internet or other contacts is relatively easy. All means seem justified and… it doesn't really matter that much, does it? In the end, the child will be fine in the new family, right? Is that correct? What is the interest of the child? Does it matter if it is a baby or an older child? When is the best interests of the child served and what means are or are not permitted when there is an illegal admission to a family?

28 September 2011 Last updated at 14:18 GMT

Nepal comes to terms with foreign adoptions tragedy

By Thomas Bell

Kathmandu

Sarita Bhujel says that she is devastated that her baby daughter appears to have ended up in Italy

31 265                Adoptie        

Nr. 39                  BRIEF VAN DE STAATSSECRETARIS VAN VEILIGHEID EN JUSTITIE           

Aan de Voorzitter van de Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal

Den Haag, 26 september 2011

Op 10 december 2010 (Kamerstukken II, 2010–2011, 31 265, nr. 36) heb ik uw Kamer geïnformeerd over mijn beslissing tot tijdelijke opschorting van interlandelijke adopties uit Haïti. De                  reden hiervoor was dat ik de zorgvuldigheid en zuiverheid van de adoptieprocedures onvoldoende kon waarborgen op basis van                  de informatie die op dat moment beschikbaar was. Ik heb daarbij aangegeven dat ik voornemens was een ambtelijke delegatie                  een werkbezoek te laten uitvoeren. Ik wil met deze brief uw Kamer informeren over de bevindingen van de delegatie, en mijn                  besluit toelichten om de opschorting van interlandelijke adopties uit Haïti, onder bepaalde voorwaarden ongedaan te maken.              

INTRODUCTION

The 1993 Hague Convention on Protection of Children and Co-operation in respect of Intercountry Adoption was preceded by a lively debate over the type of framework that should be put in place to regulate the practice. Proposals ranged from the broadly social democratic and pro-organizational contention that this framework should rely on the state and on authoritative organizations to the more liberal view that intercountry adoption (ICA) should be framed around groups in society and individuals. The Convention provided a compromise that admitted to both approaches, but the debate has continued to rumble on, and since the USA brought the Convention into force in 2008, it has acquired a new impetus from the guidance issued by the Permanent Bureau at the Hague Conference.

The Permanent Bureau is one of a number of bodies that supports a social democratic approach and wishes to exclude as far as possible more liberal approaches. In accordance with this objective, it has set about interpreting the adoption process set out in the 1993 Convention in a way that emphasise its reliance on a central authority and authorised organizations at every stage, with little or no scope for allowing individuals and societal organizations to have decision making roles. The Convention requires all states to designate a central authority to act as a gatekeeper, with all adoptions in and out of the country being channelled through its system of checks. From the outset, the Permanent Bureau has argued that the role of the Central Authority is not just one of checking matches but also of making them. This interpretation was proposed in the Explanatory Report of Gonzalo Parra-Aranguren (1994) and has been strongly reiterated in the Permanent Bureau’s (2008)Guide to Good Practice.

The Guide calls for the prohibition of a form of ICA in which individuals or mediating bodies outside the formal structure of the central authority propose a match. This is referred to as an ‘independent adoption’. The Permanent Bureau argues that such adoptions are inconsistent with the Convention and that states should take measures to ‘eliminate’ them (Permanent Bureau, 2008: 626–7). Similarly, the draft guidance on accreditation of adoption agencies drawn up by the Permanent Bureau warns of ‘the dangers of private and independent adoptions’ (Permanent Bureau, 2010a, 32). A 2010 Special Commission has placed independent adoptions under further pressure. In preparation for the meeting of this Commission, the Permanent Bureau distributed a questionnaire to Convention countries. Under the pejorative heading ‘Questions on Abduction Sale and Traffic in Children in the Context of Adoption’, it asked ‘are private or independent adoptions permitted by your state’? Not surprisingly, numerous states answered ‘No’.1 The Special Commission met at The Hague on June 17–25 2010. Invited speakers presented papers that criticized independent adoptions (Mezmur, 2010; Smolin, 2010) and International Social Service (ISS) presented a paper that, in passing, classified them as illegal under the Convention (ISS, 2010a, 8). Towards the end of the conference a small committee got together and 2 h before the meeting came to an end, draft conclusions and recommendations were circulated to those in attendance and accepted (ISS, 2010b). Amongst them was the claim that if an adoption system is to be well regulated it is essential to prohibit independent adoptions (Special Commission, 2010: rec. 1). Independent adoptions, it was said, are ‘not compatible with the Convention’ (Special Commission, 2010: rec. 23).

It will be shown that independent ICAs are compatible with the 1993 Convention. The checks that are imposed by both the receiving state and the state of origin mean that they fully comply with its terms. The claim that independent ICA is inconsistent with the Convention can only be sustained by ignoring things that are in the Convention and inserting things that are not. However, what is legal under the articles of the Convention is not necessarily ethical and if the ethical case against independent ICA is relatively strong, then one might concede that such adoptions violate the spirit of the Convention, even if they abide by the letter. However, the empirical basis for the argument that independent adoption is more open to abuse than organised forms of adoption is weak. Because the claim is a comparative one, the evidence must also be comparative, but such evidence is very limited. An indirect comparative analysis of independent adoptions against state organized adoptions was made in a report by Defence for Children International, ISS, and Terre des Hommes that circulated at the discussions preceding the Convention (Defence for Children International, 1991; Parra-Aranguren, 1994: 13). The report considered comments solicited from member organizations in 12 receiving states and 11 sending states with somewhat inconclusive results: ‘According to the receiving country reports, illicit and questionable practices are most often linked to independent adoptions; in contrast, there is no agreement (consensus) among country of origin reports, some of which associate them with agencies, independent adoptions or both’ (Defence for Children International, 1991: 14). Terre des Hommes and ISS have gone on to harden their position against independent ICA without either of them appearing to have undertaken systematic comparison of independent and agency adoptions. Sometimes, it is simply assumed that independent ICA is more risky (ISS, 2004). Sometimes the heightened risk is presented as a logical deduction that does not require empirical support, as in the Terre des Hommes report Adoption at What Cost (Lammerant and Hofstetter, 2008). The argument against independent adoption by UNICEF also lacks a comparative evidence base. In calling for all adoptions to be centralised, UNICEF makes the universal claim that ‘by far the worst and most frequent problems arise in the context of ‘private’ adoptions’ and selects sources to fit this claim, beginning with a newspaper report from Russia (UNICEF, 1998). UNICEF is in a delicate position as criticism of a state for, say, widespread corruption, is a much more serious matter than making a general assumption about corruption in civil society. It may, eg jeopardize reform initiatives undertaken in conjunction with that state. It is perfectly understandable, therefore, that criticism of states by UNICEF is muted. However, the resulting one-sided presentation of problems as emanating from society should not be mistaken for objective analysis, as such an analysis would at least consider the contrary possibility that in a venal state the sphere of civil society may give scope for people to act with relative honesty and dignity.

The European Union has not imposed a ban on international adoptions in Romania. At least that is what Azota Popescu, president of the "Catharsis" Association in Brașov, claims, who a year ago began the process of changing the law on international adoptions.

Azota Popescu: The EU did not impose a ban on international adoptionsThe European Union did not impose a ban on international adoptions in Romania. At least, that is what Azota Popescu, the president of the "Catharsis" Association in Brașov, claims, which, a year ago, began the process of changing the law on international adoptions. "A year has passed since the Association submitted to the Romanian Parliament the draft law amendment, arguments, but also signatures in support of this process. The Government's draft, approved by the Senate, contains very few amendments of ours. We were told that the law will not be changed, because the European Union does not want it", explained Azota Popescu yesterday. Consequently, the Brașov resident says that she has sent a letter to the Directorate-General for Justice of the European Commission, in which she requested an official point of view on the existence of a document "through which the European Union banned international adoptions 10 years ago". "The letter of reply confirms that the Romanian adoption law is not an order of the EU, but of some people with obscure interests in Romania. Salla Saastamoinen, the head of cabinet of the Directorate for Justice of the European Commission, signs the letter from Ms. Director Le Bail, in which she states to me that such a document does not exist", claims Azota Popescu.

Today, a new meeting with parliamentarians, in Bucharest In the meantime, the steps to amend the adoption law continue. Thus, Azota Popescu wants at least certain articles of the Adoption Law, voted by the Senate on June 14, 2011, to be amended. The project is to enter the Chamber of Deputies, which is the decision-making body. To amend the Adoption Law, the Catharsis Association proposed a different project from the Senate's, which was submitted to the Chamber of Deputies, but it "got lost" along the way. Even so, the president of the "Catharsis" Association hopes that at least the Law that was adopted by the Senate will undergo a few more changes that would be in the interest of the child. That is why, today, together with several children from placement centers, who lost the chance to be adopted, she will go to Parliament. Thus, says Azota Popescu, the Senate Law does not bring essential changes for international adoptions. "For example, there is an article 3.1, which says that a citizen of the States, who wants to adopt a child from Romania, must obtain Romanian citizenship, stay here for 12 months and then adopt. There is another article, 22, which actually takes over article 23 of the old law, which says that, in order to adopt a child, one must consent to the adoption. That means a lot of wasted time, high costs. 

Also, last year, I asked Parliament to eliminate article 45 of the old law. Not only did they not eliminate it, but discrimination continues, because it says that a child whose relatives up to the fourth degree are abroad can be adopted," exemplified the president of "Catharsis". Adoption, a chance for Rodica Blocking international adoptions,10 years ago, it meant, for abandoned children, cutting off opportunities that they would not have in Romania, says Azota Popescu. One case that suffered greatly from this decision was Rodica (photo), a little girl of only 11 years old, who is currently on the verge of becoming blind. "Until the age of 9, Rodica stayed with three foster families. For two years she was transferred to a center, where all the progress she had made is slowly being erased. In 2003, she met a family from Germany who wanted to adopt her. It was not possible, but the family still wants to adopt her. In that family, she would have the chance not only to be loved, but also to be a normal person. Rodica lost 85% of her sight, and her chance would be an operation abroad," concludes Azota Popescu. Rodica wrote several letters, in her own style, to the President of the Chamber of Deputies, Roberta Anastase, but also to the Brașov MP Gheorghe Gabor, asking them to "take her out of the cell", the room where children are kept at placement centers, if they are punished, as Azota Popescu explains.

For Adoptive Parents, Questions Without Answers

Emily Berl for The New York Times

FAMILY Susan Merkel and her husband, Barry Leavitt, at home in Chesterfield, N.J., with their daughter, Maia, whom they adopted from China in 2007.

IN almost any adoption, the new parents accept that their good fortune arises out of the hardship of the child’s first parents. The equation is usually tempered by the thought that the birth parents either are no longer alive or chose to give the child a better life than they could provide.       


Emily Berl for The New York Times             

Judy Larch, with her daughters, Gabrielle, foreground, and Amanda, both from China, said she had faith in her adoption agency.                           

An area in Hunan Province in China was said to be a source for stolen children.                           

On Aug. 5, this newspaper published a front-page article from China that contained chilling news for many adoptive parents: government officials in Hunan Province, in southern China, had seized babies from their parents and sold them into what the article called “a lucrative black market in children.”       

The news, the latest in a slow trickle of reports describing child abduction and trafficking in China, swept through the tight communities of families — many of them in the New York area — who have adopted children from China. For some, it raised a nightmarish question: What if my child had been taken forcibly from her parents?

And from that question, inevitably, tumble others: What can or should adoptive parents do? Try to find the birth parents? And if they could, what then?       

Scott Mayer, who with his wife adopted a girl from southern China in 2007, said the article’s implications hit him head on. “I couldn’t really think straight,” Mr. Mayer said. His daughter, Keshi, is 5 years old — “I have to tell you, she’s brilliant,” he said proudly — and is a mainstay of his life as a husband and a father.       

“What I felt,” he said, “was a wave of heat rush over me.”       

Like many adoptive parents, Mr. Mayer can recount the emotionally exhausting process he and his wife went through to get their daughter, and can describe the warm home they have strived to provide. They had been assured that she, like thousands of other Chinese girls, was abandoned in secret by her birth parents, left in a public place with a note stating her date of birth.       

But as he started to read about the Hunan cases, he said, doubts flooded in. How much did he — or any adoptive parent — really know about what happened on the other side of the world? Could Keshi have been taken by force, or bought by the orphanage in order to reap the thousands of dollars that American parents like him donate when they get their children?       

In his home in Montclair, N.J., Mr. Mayer rushed upstairs to re-examine the adoption documents.       

According to the news reports, the children were removed from their families when they were several months old, then taken to the orphanages. “The first thing I did was look in my files,” he said, speaking in deliberative, unsparing sentences. According to his paperwork, his daughter had been found on a specific date, as a newborn.       

He paused to weigh the next thought.       

“Now, could that have been faked?” he said. “Perhaps. I don’t know. But at least it didn’t say she was 3 months old when she was left at the orphanage.”       

According to the State Department, 64,043 Chinese children were adopted in the United States between 1999 and 2010, far more than from any other country. Child abduction and trafficking have plagued other international adoption programs, notably in Vietnam and Romania, and some have shut down to stop the black market trade.       

But many parents saw China as the cleanest of international adoption choices. Its population-control policy, which limited many families to one child, drove couples to abandon subsequent children or to give up daughters in hopes of bearing sons to inherit their property and take care of them in old age. China had what adoptive parents in America wanted: a supply of healthy children in need of families.       

As Mr. Mayer reasoned, “If anything, the number of children needing an adoptive home was so huge that it outstripped the number of people who could ever come.”       

This narrative was first challenged in 2005, when Chinese and foreign news media reported that government officials and employees of an orphanage in Hunan had sold at least 100 children to other orphanages, which provided them to foreign adoptive parents.       

Mr. Mayer was not aware of this report or the few others that followed. Though he knew many other adoptive families, and was active in a group called Families With Children From China — Greater New York, no one had ever talked about abduction or baby-selling.       

“I didn’t even think that existed in China,” he said.       

Again he paused.       

“This comes up and you say, holy cow, it’s even more complicated than you thought.”       

“ADOPTION is bittersweet,” said Susan Soon-Keum Cox, vice president for public policy and external affairs at Holt International, a Christian adoption agency based in Eugene, Ore., with an extensive program in China. The process connects birth parents, child and adoptive parents in an unequal relationship in which each party has different needs and different leverage. It begins in loss.       

Adoptive parents and adoption agencies have powerful incentives not to talk about trafficking or to question whether a child was given up voluntarily, especially given how difficult it is to know for certain. Such talk can unsettle the children or anger the Chinese government, which might limit the families’ future access to the country or add restrictions to future adoptions. And the possible answer is one that no parent wants to hear.       

Most parents contacted for this article declined to comment or agreed to speak only on the condition of anonymity. Several said they never discussed trafficking, even with other adoptive parents. To a query from The New York Times posted on a Web forum for adoptive parents, one parent urged silence, writing, “The more we put China child trafficking out there, the more chances your child has to encounter a schoolmate saying, ‘Oh, were you stolen from your bio family?’ ”       

Such reticence infuriates people like Karen Moline, a New York writer and a board member of the nonprofit advocacy group Parents for Ethical Adoption Reform, who adopted a boy from Vietnam 10 years ago. “If the government is utterly corrupt, and you have to take an orphanage a donation in hundred-dollar bills, why would you think the program was ethical?” she said. “Ask a typical Chinese adoptive parent that question, and they’ll say, my agency said so. My agency is ethical. People say, the paperwork says X; the paperwork is legitimate. But you have no idea where your money goes.       

“Now you have to give $5,000 as an orphanage fee in China. Multiply that by how many thousand adoptions. Tens of millions of dollars have flowed out of this country to get kids, and you have no accounting for it.”       

Agencies say that cases of child abduction are few compared with the number of abandoned Chinese babies who found good homes in America. The abductions reported in August were of 16 or more children taken from their parents between 1999 and 2006. According to the investigation, population-control officials threatened towering fines for couples who violated the one-child policy because they were too young to be married or already had a child, or because they had themselves adopted the child without proper paperwork. When the parents could not pay, the officials seized the children and sent them into the lucrative foreign adoption system.       

“The incident when it happened was resolved quickly by the Chinese in a way that was drastic and made very clear that the Chinese would not tolerate trafficking,” said Ms. Cox, of Holt International. “I’m not saying there are not any other incidents, but people can be assured that the process in China is a good one.”       

A 2010 State Department report said there were “no reliable estimates” of the number of children kidnapped for adoption in China, but cited Chinese news media reports that said the figure might be as high as 20,000 children a year, most of whom are adopted illegally within the country, especially boys.       

But it is hard to know, said David Smolin, a professor at the Cumberland School of Law at Samford University in Birmingham, Ala., who has written extensively about international adoption and trafficking. Changes in China in the early 2000s — a rising standard of living, an easing of restrictions on adoption within the country, more sex-selective abortion — meant that fewer families abandoned healthy babies, Professor Smolin said.       

“Orphanages had gotten used to getting money for international adoption,” he said, “and all of the sudden they didn’t have healthy baby girls unless they competed with traffickers for them.”       

PROFESSOR SMOLIN has two daughters, whom he and his wife adopted from India as teenagers. Within six weeks the girls disclosed that they had been kidnapped from their birth parents. But when Professor Smolin and his wife tried to find the girls’ biological parents, he said, no one wanted to help.       

When he started to speak publicly about his experience, he met other parents in the same situation — hundreds of them, he said. “They all said they felt abandoned by adoption agencies and by various governments,” he said. “There’s a sense that other people in the adoption community did not want to hear about these circumstances. People were told that it was not a good thing to talk about. So you’re left alone with these practical and moral dilemmas, and that is overwhelming.” In the end, it took more than six years for the couple to find their daughters’ birth parents, by which time the girls were young adults.       

Susan Merkel, 48, who with her husband adopted their daughter, Maia, at 9 months old in August 2007, said that even within their own home, her husband did not like to talk about the possibility.       

“My husband really feels like it’s something that we don’t know whether that’s the case and would rather not think about it,” she said at her home in Chesterfield, N.J.       

But for Ms. Merkel, who is studying social work at Rutgers University, the uncertainty is haunting. Her daughter’s orphanage, in Hubei Province, which is immediately north of Hunan, is near an area known for strict enforcement of the one-child policy, and Ms. Merkel said she could not shake the possibility that a population-control official had seized her and turned her over to the orphanage.       

Ms. Merkel was adopted as a child, and said that meeting her birth mother had helped her understand her past and herself. What, then, was her responsibility as a parent — to find Maia’s birth parents, who might make a valid claim for her return? How could Ms. Merkel, who got so much out of meeting her own birth mother, not want that for her child? “What I do know is that she’s my daughter and I love her,” she said. “We’re giving her the best family and life that we can. And if she has questions someday, we’ll do all we can to help her find the answers.”       

Ms. Merkel said that she would support Maia’s meeting her birth parents if it was possible, but that she would not willingly return her to them, even if there was evidence that she had been taken.       

“I would feel great empathy for that person,” she said. “I would completely understand the anger and the pain. But I would fight to keep my daughter. Not because she’s mine, but because for all purposes we’re the only family she’s ever known. How terrifying that would be for a child to be taken away from the only family she knows and the life that she knows. That’s not about doing what’s right for the child. That’s doing what’s right for the birth mother.”       

BRIAN STUY, an adoptive father of three in Salt Lake City, runs a service called Research-China.org to help adoptive families learn about their children’s origins. When he has managed to contact birth parents, he said, most were content to learn that their children were alive, that they were healthy and in good homes. “Unfortunately, the reaction of most adoptive parents is to go into hiding,” Mr. Stuy said. “When they have suspicions, they don’t want to come forward.”       

Many parents simply never have suspicions. Tony X. Tan, an associate professor of educational psychology at the University of South Florida whose research specialty is adoption, surveyed 342 adoptive parents of Chinese children last month. Two-thirds said they “never” suspected that their children might have been abducted, and one in nine said they thought about it “sometimes.” Several said the paperwork from the orphanages was inconsistent or suspicious.       

One mother, who adopted two girls from different provinces, wrote, “My Guangxi daughter was adopted with a group of 11 other infants, all roughly the same age, and came home with an extremely detailed description of her first 11 months of life in her orphanage. Yet ‘her’ information was word-for-word the same as the info given the families of the other 11 children adopted at the same time — making it all too specific to be believable.”       

Judy Larch, a Macy’s executive who lives in Pelham, N.Y., said she adopted two girls from China, in 2001 and 2007, because she had heard good things about the program, and because she could adopt as a single woman. Though she has read about trafficking, she said, “I’ve never had any doubts or concerns about their adoptions.” She said she had faith in the adoption agency, Holt International.       

Such faith is small comfort to a woman named Ms. Chen, who said population-control officials in her hometown, Changle, in Fujian Province, took her daughter in 1999. Ms. Chen, who is in the United States illegally, applied for asylum as a dissident this year, but was denied. She declined to speak to The Times, but gave permission for a reporter to watch a videotaped interview conducted by a Christian group in Flushing, Queens, called All Girls Allowed, which works with women’s rights groups in China and maintains a database of photographs of missing children. Her story could not be corroborated.       

In the interview, Ms. Chen said that her first child, born in 1997, was a girl, and that she was under great pressure from her in-laws to produce a son. She became pregnant soon afterward, but this child, too, was a girl. Ms. Chen was in violation of the one-child law, which in her area allowed parents to have a second child after six years. Officials came to her with a choice: give up the second child — then 5 months old — or undergo tubal ligation.       

“I was holding my daughter and crying,” she said on the video. The official told her that if she gave up the child, in six years she could try again to have a son, she said. “I was afraid for my marriage,” she said. “Of course I didn’t want to give up the child. But I was afraid that without a boy my marriage wouldn’t last.”       

She said, “I handed her over meekly.”       

MR. MAYER, in Montclair, who also has an adopted son from Ethiopia, has accepted that he may never know the full truth about his daughter’s beginnings.       

After absorbing the revelations about trafficking, he said, he took a step back. “O.K., what does this mean to my life today? And how does it change my life today?” he said he asked himself. “And today it changes absolutely nothing about my life with Keshi. If I want Keshi to be able to question and to come to terms with the issues of why she would have been put up for adoption in the way she was, she’s going to ask these questions. This is just another one of those questions to which I don’t have a concrete answer. That’s my role as a dad.”       

In the future, families like his may have better answers. Parents or children may be able to search online databases of children whose birth parents say they were taken. For now, though, is it the parents’ duty to ask those questions? Or is it for children to decide, in time, how much they want to know?       

“I can’t change the past or change whatever anybody has done in China,” Mr. Mayer said. “What’s most important to me is there are real significant issues for my daughter coming of age and understanding her birth story. And I’m committed to supporting her in that and making sure that it’s as honest and truthful and supportive as possible. And that’s a scary thing.”       

The Armenian government is planning to make fresh and potentially far-reaching changes in its rules and procedures for international adoptions of children from Armenia following an RFE/RL report suggesting that they may still be riddled with corruption. Relevant proposals drawn up by Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian’s office aim to increase the transparency of the process and reduce the role of obscure local middlemen working for Western adoption agencies. They are also meant to make it easier for Armenian families to adopt or bring up orphans. An April 2011 report by RFE/RL’s Armenian service (Azatutyun.am) said that U.S. adoption agencies seem to continue to make thousands of dollars in informal payments to Armenian officials dealing with foreign adoptions. In particular, it cited a sample contract signed by one such agency, Hopscotch Adoptions, with Americans wishing to adopt Armenian and Georgian children. The contract, offered to a potential client in the United States in 2007, explained that almost $5,000 of more than $30,000 charged by Hopscotch for every adoption would be spent on “gifts to foreign service providers and government functionaries performing ministerial tasks as an offer of thanks for prompt service.” It claimed that such gifts are “customary” in Armenia and Georgia and do not violate U.S. law. “Gifts and gratuities” were also a separate spending category in a sample agreement that was offered by another U.S. agency, Adopt Abroad, at least until last April. Officials at the Armenian Ministry of Justice as well as anti-corruption campaigners in Yerevan agreed at the time that such payments amount to bribes and are therefore illegal in Armenia. Government sources say Prime Minister Sarkisian took the report very seriously, instructing his senior staff to initiate a major revision of existing adoption rules. They were quick to come up with relevant proposals. Those were submitted in June, along with copies of the Hopscotch contract obtained by RFE/RL, to an inter-agency government commission on adoptions headed by Justice Minister Hrayr Tovmasian. “The root cause of this problem is a lack of transparency, and we must do something about it,” one senior government official told RFE/RL’s Armenian service (Azatutyun.am). Under the existing rules, the Armenian Ministry of Labor and Social Issues draws up and keeps a national registry of children available for domestic and foreign adoption. The list is supposed to be accessible to prospective adoptive parents. U.S. -- A screenshot of the website of the Hopscotch Adoptions agency.. But according to a department on social affairs at the prime minister’s office, this has not been the case in reality as even government bodies have trouble accessing information about all children listed on the registry, officially called Manuk (Child) Database. In a written statement to the government, the Ministry of Labor said that the database comprised a total of 171 children (135 them kept in orphanages) as of May 1, 2011. However, the head of a ministry division handling adoptions, Lala Ghazarian, spoke of only about 90 such orphans when she was interviewed by RFE/RL’s Armenian service in April. In its written proposals discussed by Tovmasian’s commission this summer, the government department said that “in some cases” children’s inclusion in the database has been a mere formality that legalized pre-arranged adoptions fraught with “corruption risks.” It said this is especially true for healthy babies, the most in-demand category of orphans. The department suggested that the entire database be posted on the ministry website and made available to anyone considering an adoption from Armenia. Tovmasian is said to have personally backed the idea, which also envisages the creation of a separate electronic database of adoption applicants. The latter would thus be put in direct online contact with relevant Armenian authorities in the initial stages of the adoption process. Officials say this would narrow down the scope of shady activities of Armenian “facilitators” receiving lump sums from U.S. and other foreign agencies. Hopscotch paid them $10,500 per child at least until 2007, while Adopt Abroad currently charges a “facilitators fee” of as much as $19,000. Whether a part of this money is also spent on “gifts” is anybody’s guess. None of the Yerevan-based adoption brokers is known to be registered with tax authorities. Another major proposal from Prime Minister Sarkisian’s staff would increase from three to six months the minimum period of time, after an orphan’s inclusion on the database, during which he or she cannot be eligible for international adoption. This requirement, meant to facilitate domestic adoptions, appears to have been violated in at least two cases in 2007. In one such example, an American couple living near Washington, DC adopted a little Armenian girl through Hopscotch in May 2008. Sonia Vigilante, the adoptive mother, revealed on her blog that the girl was less than one month old when she and her husband were first shown her pictures and offered to adopt her in October 2007. Vigilante reacted to the RFE/RL report with a litany of abusive e-mails sent to Ara Manoogian, an Armenian-American activist and blogger who privately interviewed her and several other U.S. adoptive parents and shared their experiences in Armenia with an RFE/RL correspondent. Using a fictitious identity, Manoogian posed as a childless man from Texas interested in adopting an Armenian child. “The girl is mine mine, mine!!!” Vigilante wrote on May 31. “I win, Armenia loses. Hahahahahahahaha!!!” “I don't give a shit what the Armenian crooks think of me anymore,” she said in a subsequent note. Sarkisian aides want to curb foreign adoptions also by reinvigorating a 2004 government program that pays local families to host and raise the orphans until they come of age. The program has had only a limited success, with only 24 children currently placed with foster care providers. The government launched the child fostering scheme as part of a broader toughening of adoption rules that followed another, June 2003 RFE/RL report that likewise exposed possible corrupt practices. The number of annual foreign adoptions has not changed significantly since then. According to the Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, 61 Armenian children were adopted by foreigners in 2010. The ministry informed Justice Minister Tovmasian’s commission in July that it has started drafting amendments to Armenia’s adoption-related laws and regulations. Those amendments have not been submitted to the commission yet. Whether ministry officials, who have long played a key role in the controversial adoptions, will propose the kind of radical changes that are sought by Sarkisian aides remains to be seen.

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Preet Mandir shifts Camp office, raises eyebrows

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Nisha Nambiar

Tags : Preet Mandir, Child Welfare Committee, High Court, Anita Vipat

U on Sunday Feature: The lost children

September 17, 2011 5:50am

Kay DibbenThe Sunday Mail (Qld)

WHEN three young people decided to set up a charity to help orphans in Nepal, little did they know they'd also be saving lives and reuniting families from around the globe in Uganda.

Thirty-nine children - filthy, hungry, skinny - walk listlessly through the dirt yard of their Ugandan orphanage.