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"Illegal" Babies Abducted by Chinese Population Control Officials

“Illegal” Babies Abducted by Chinese Population Control Officials

by Steven Mosher | Beijing, China | LifeNews.com | 5/26/11 11:52 AM

As Beijing continues to vigorously pursue its infamous one-child policy, PRI has gathered evidence showing that Chinese villagers who cannot afford to pay these fines have their “illegal” children abducted and sold by Chinese population control officials.

It is well known that those who violate the one-child policy have sometimes been subjected to coerced abortions or, if they have already given birth, have been forced to pay punitive fines and have been sterilized. For example, the birth control regulations posted in one town warned that those who violate the one-child policy shall be contracepted or sterilized:

Under the direction of the birth control bureaucracy and the technical personnel (assigned thereto), those married women of childbearing age who have already had one child shall be given an IUD; those couples that have already had a second or higher order child shall be sterilized.[Italics added]

This sterilization directive was confirmed in conversation with villagers. One woman, a Chinese minority, told us that the consequence of having a third child would be that the government “would take measures to sterilize you.”

The fines now imposed on violators of the one-child policy are, by any standards, enormous. In one Chinese county, declared by the UNFPA to be a “Model Birth Control County,” we photographed a billboard of birth control regulations that warned:

Those who illegally reproduce … will be assessed, when their illegal behavior is discovered, a “social compensation fee” based on a unit calculated from a year’s salary for urban dwellers and based on a year’s income after expenses for rural dwellers.

Those who illegally give birth to one child will be assessed a fine 3 to 5 times their annual income; those who illegally give birth to a second child will be assessed a fine from 5 to 7 times their annual income; those who illegally give birth to a third child will be assessed a fine from 7 to 9 times their annual income; those who give birth to 4 or more illegal children will be assessed a fine extrapolated from the above schedule of multiples. For those who illegally take in a child, have an extramarital birth, or have an out of wedlock birth, both parties involved will be assessed a “social compensation fee” according to the above schedule of (income) multiples.

That these fines were actually imposed was clear from our discussions with ordinary Chinese. We were told again and again that violators are fined “tens of thousands of renminbi,” or “20,000 or 30,000 renminbi.” These are enormous sums of money by Chinese standards. One woman reported that she and her husband had been forced to take out a 10-year loan to pay the 25,000 renminbifine that had been assessed for each of her two illegal daughters. To pay off this “child mortgage,” her husband had been forced to go to work in the city.

When we asked what would happen if a couple couldn’t afford to pay the fine, we were told that offenders would be visited by population control officials who would “seal off” their homes, and possibly even destroy them, as punishment for non-payment.

But these punishments pale in comparison with reports of child abduction. In Lipu county, another UNFPA Model Birth Control County, located in northern Guangxi province, we were told by a village official that “At the present time, if you don’t pay the fine, they come and abduct the baby you just gave birth to and give it to someone else.”

This practice of child abduction has recently been confirmed by the Chinese government. According to a report in the Caixin Century magazine, authorities in the southern Chinese province of Hunan have begun investigating a report that population control officials had seized at least 16 babies born in violation of strict family planning rules, sent them to state-run orphanages, and then sold them abroad for adoption. “Before 1997, they usually punished us by tearing down our houses for breaching the one-child policy, but after 2000 they began to confiscate our children,” the magazine quoted villager Yuan Chaoren as saying.

The children, reportedly from Longhui county near Hunan province’s Shaoyang city, had been abducted by who accused their parents of breaching the one-child policy or illegally adopting children. The local family planning office then sent the children to local orphanages, which listed them as being available for adoption, the report said, adding the office could get 1,000 renminbi or more for each child. The orphanages in turn receive $3,000 to $5,000 for each child adopted overseas, money that is paid by the adoptive parents. The magazine reported that at least one migrant worker said she had found her daughter had been adopted abroad and was now living in the United States.

It is worth noting that these two reports come from the same general area of China and occurred in neighboring provinces. Lipu county, where we heard about the practice of abducting and selling “illegal” children, is located in northern Guangxi province not far from the Hunan border, while Shaoyang is located near the southern border of Hunan not far from the Guangxi border.

Local officials deny any involvement in child trafficking. But it is well known that the so-called “job responsibility system” requires them to rigorously enforce the one-child policy, and that their success (or failure) in this area will determine future promotions (or demotions). Abducting and selling an “illegal” baby or child would not only enable an official to eliminate a potential black mark on his record, it would allow him to make a profit at the same time. In this way the one-child policy, through its system of perverse and inhumane rewards and punishment, encourages officials to violate the fundamental right of parents to decide for themselves the number and spacing of their children.

Child trafficking has occurred in other countries that offer children for adoption, most notably in Cambodia, Nepal and Vietnam, where the abuses are so rampant that the U.S. has put a moratorium on adoptions. It may be time to consider a similar moratorium on adoptions from China.

LifeNews.com Note: Steven W. Mosher is the president of the Population Research Institute and the author of Population Control: Real Costs and Illusory Benefits. He is considered one of the foremost experts on the coercive population control program in China.

Reporting in China

By Melissa Chan in on Wed, 05/25/2011 - 09:59.

 

A recent survey by the Foreign Correspondents Club of China had some discouraging numbers about reporting conditions in the country.  Ninety-four percent of journalists who responded felt the work environment had deteriorated over the last year.  Seventy percent had experienced harassment or violence of some kind.  And a whopping 99% said reporting conditions in China do not meet international standards.

While many people outside China might have a cognitive understanding that reporting here is difficult, there's less knowledge of just exactly what kind of difficulties we come across.  Our most recent reporting trip serves as a good example of the particular challenges the press corps here faces.

The first thing we must consider as journalists is which hotel we plan on staying in.  And by that, I don't mean checking out TripAdvisor to see which one has the best buffet breakfast.  By law in China, all check-ins require passport identification, which the front desk photocopies along with our visa.  Hotel staff must then send over the details of all foreign nationals staying at the hotel for the night to the local police station.  It's unlikely officers carefully look over all incoming lists of names, but our journalist visas are different from your usual tourist or business visas -- and it tips local officials off there are strangers in their land, nosing about.

On our trip to Hunan Province, the nearest town center to the village we were trying to reach was about 40 minutes away, and we judged it would be too close to the area to spend the night without getting a knock on the door by police.

A good strategy is to check in to a hotel hours away from our final destination, so police officers don't necessarily make a connection between our arrival and that area's news story.  That also gives us the opportunity to set out before dawn and hopefully get to our interview by mid-morning before most people would spot a TV crew in the neighborhood.

Depending on whether the family or person we're visiting has nosy neighbors, our team can get quickly reported to local officials who then dispatch a team to investigate.  You might wonder why anyone would do such a thing to someone they know.  I don't understand it myself, though I suspect it's a combination of just how the state has always operated, what people have been taught to do, a historical distrust of foreigners, and finally -- I do wonder about the legacy of the Cultural Revolution and the habit of tattling as a show of loyalty to the Communist Party and to the community.

In any case, we've nicknamed such men who show up "the Black Audis," after the vehicles they drive.  I don't know why government officials here love Audis so much, but they do.  Audis are almost synonymous with them.  I hate looking up to see one of these vehicles appearing around the corner -- it usually means our filming will be delayed -- if not permanently over.  And our opportunity to provide a report to viewers -- gone.

Sometimes men show up but don't do anything to stop us.  It is against the law in China to obstruct foreign journalists from reporting freely.  This was set out in a directive signed by Premier Wen Jiabao.  Government officials therefore have come up with creative ways to make reporting difficult and circumvent the central government's rules without technically breaking the law.  They might hire local boys to intimidate our team.  By sub-contracting out intimidation to non-uniformed groups, there's no proof the government is behind any reporting interference.

It was sheer luck that thugs showed up at Yang Libing's house while he was away.  Mr. Yang, if you've had a chance to watch our report (below), is the father whose baby daughter was forcefully taken away from him by corrupt officials looking to profit by handing children over to adoption agencies.  He was running late that morning, and what ended up happening was a rather awkward uncertainty as our team and these thugs looked at each other.  They knew we were from Al Jazeera.  I don't know how they knew that.  They had been driving around searching specifically for us.  They stood there and sized us up.  In the end, the men sauntered away, ambivalent about the situation themselves.  Had Mr. Yang been there, I imagine they would have stayed, their very presence meant to unnerve the person we hoped to interview. I must say we are often saved by the fact that many of the "Black Audi" types don't really understand how television newsgathering is conducted.  Perhaps they believed we would also saunter off after a time, given the absence of Mr. Yang.  We did not walk away, of course, but waited until he returned to speak to him.

We later learned that after our interview and past midnight that evening, those men came back -- and were not so ambivalent.  They interrogated Mr. Yang for more then ten hours and warned him to stop talking to journalists.  Since then, Mr. Yang's phone has generally been off.

Intimidating sources and not reporters has become a more common practice by the Chinese government to block information.  Often we speak to incredibly vulnerable people at the lowest socio-economic rung.  It is easy to bully them into submission.  But even then, it is remarkable that in my years of reporting in China, many people remain willing to speak to journalists despite the danger of retaliation.  They perceive that a great injustice has been done to them and feel the need to articulate that.  Many also feel they have nothing to lose.  In the case of Mr. Yang, I do believe he must've felt he had nothing to lose.  He'd lost his child.  His house was a wood and brick shack, his floor of dirt, and his farming tools not much changed, it appeared, from the ones farmers used in the 19th century.

In the afternoon our team decided to drive around and film the town and surrounding countryside.  It would be included in our piece to show viewers how remote this place was.  At some point, our hired driver noticed a van had been tracking us for some time.  My first inclination was to ignore the van -- they can be quite harmless, and the men from earlier in the day had chosen to check us out, then leave us alone.  Sometimes these plainclothes officers or thugs would follow us around, taking digital pictures of us as we worked in order to have a record.  As long as you're not self-conscious about it, it is fine.

The van drove past us, looking to leave.  But, on a narrow street, it slowed... slowed... then stopped in front of us, blocking our way.  We sat there a moment, and then the van doors opened and a number of men jumped out, looking ugly.  We locked our doors.

One banged on the window.  We didn't do anything.  But -- following some hesitation, our driver opened the window cautiously, about halfway.  They asked what we were doing there, and if we could come with them. They said we needed to stop what we were doing.  My producer shouted back that we needed their identification.  With no proof they were with police, on what basis should we do anything?

Remarkably, it was that question that eased the tension.  The men scuttled off.  I'm confused, but suspect these thugs had never been questioned over their authority by the villagers they terrorized.  The question was unexpected and baffled them.  After the incident, we continued to film, though much more warily.

The next morning, as we were heading to the airport to fly back to Beijing, we received word that a domestic Chinese journalist we'd given a ride to in the countryside had been told that by doing so, she was complicit in "colluding with foreigners on anti-China missions."  It was a completely absurd charge, and the journalist stood her ground at the police station.  It reminded me that though we may run into trouble out in the field, Chinese journalists remain in far trickier positions, and an easier target for authorities to go after.

You develop a level of paranoia sometimes, engrossed in the mission of filming enough footage before getting stopped.  On this mission in Hunan, we managed to gather enough material and information to build the report you see below.

 

 

Canadian parents wary as China confronts baby trafficking

Canadian parents wary as China confronts baby trafficking


When Cathy Wagner of Bridgewater, N.S., heard a CBC story last week about babies stolen from their families several years ago in Hunan province, her reaction was that nothing has changed.

She's the mother of a 5-year-old girl adopted from the same region in China. "It's like a dirty secret", she says, "but it's time we started talking about it." 

CBC News' China correspondent, Anthony Germain, interviewed two parents in China who said the family-planning officials who enforce the country's one-child policy seized at least 20 babies, including their own, and sent them to orphanages to be adopted abroad. 

"By changing their identities and processing the stolen children through legally recognized orphanages, the chances of any impoverished Chinese parent ever finding their child are almost nonexistent," Germain reported. 

The babies were given false papers and sold to orphanages who stood to profit from donation fees given by overseas adoptive parents. One writer has called this practice "child laundering."

This story first surfaced in 2009 in the L.A. Times. 

But now for the first time this story is being reported by Chinese media in China. Suddenly, Chinese parents who had children taken from them know a little more about what might have happened to them, and they're starting to speak out in blogs and online message sites in China. This has prompted China to immediately open, or perhaps re-open, an investigation. 

Janet Nearing of Family and Children's Services in Nova Scotia says her agency has been told that the Canadian embassy in Beijing will be informed by China of any kidnapped children who may have ended up in Canada. Nearing added, "This is as much action as I've ever seen on this." 

Cathy Wagner says she's in contact with many other Canadian families who have real concerns about the origins of their adopted children. Many worry that the paperwork they were given could be false -- there are too many suspiciously similar stories about the places where their children were abandoned and then found. Most of these families want to stay quiet about their misgivings for fear of losing their children. But Wagner wonders, "Do we allow other people to be victimized to protect our own privacy?" 

In Canada, it's hard to determine who exactly is in charge of overseeing international adoptions. The federal government says adoption is the jurisdiction of the provinces. The trouble is, no province has the resources to investigate what's going on in the countries that are supplying babies. 

The federal government also says a safeguard against child trafficking is the fact that both Canada and China are signatory to the Hague Convention on Protection of Children in Respect to International Adoption, an agency that encourages member countries to comply with international adoption standards in the best interests of the child. 

Peter Spadoni of the Ontario Ministry of Children and Youth Services says that concerns have been expressed to the ministry about whether adopted children haven't been abandoned at all, but snatched from loving parents in China. These complaints, he says, have been forwarded to the federal government. 

It does happen that the provinces and territories, in conjunction with the federal government, suspend adoptions from certain countries. This occurred last year in the case of Nepal, because of fraudulent adoption documentation, child trafficking, and improper financial gain, based on reports issued by the Secretary of the Hague Convention and UNICEF, as well as Canadian immigration authorities. 

"No one wants to touch China," says Wagner. 

She is worried that there could be a price to pay for speaking out. 

Eventually she'd like to take her daughter back to the country where she was born, but she wonders whether she'd get a visa from the government of China. 

Kosovo: “stop all’abbandono dei bambini”

Kosovo: “stop all’abbandono dei bambini”

Il 18 maggio 2011, nel nostro Centro Akti si e’ organizzato un
dibattito, in collaborazione con i partner locali, Akti, Movimento di famiglie e
i Servizi Sociali di Pristina e Fushe Kosova, con il tema: “I
bambini abbandonati e i bambini di strada”.

I bambini che vengono abbandonati dalle madri giovani sono molti, sono quei
bambini che tutti i giorni girano per le strade facendo vari lavori. Il loro
numero tende a crescere sempre di piu’.

Siccome da molti anni la nostra associazione si e’ concentrata nel campo
dell’infanzia abbandonata in Kosovo in ogni aspetto della vita, da quello
scolastico, sanitario, familiare, emozionale, ecc., l’operatore di CSW di Fushe
Kosovo, sig. Abaz Xhigoli, dichiara che i bambini abbandonati nella
nostra società in generale sono in aumento sempre di piu’ sopratutto a causa dei
divorzi dei genitori
che un volta divorziati, non sono in grado di
farsi carico dei minori e li abbandonano.

Court strikes down anonymous sperm-donor law

Court strikes down anonymous sperm-donor law

 

 

 
 
 
 
 

Olivia Pratten

Photograph by: ?Ian Smith -PNG, The Province

A B.C.-born woman has won a long-running battle to strike down a law that prevents her -and thousands of others -from learning about their biological parents.

Olivia Pratten fought for more than 10 years to find out the identity and other information about her biological dad, an anonymous sperm donor.

T h e B . C . g ov e r n m e n t blocked her efforts, so Pratten, a 29-year-old journalist who now lives in Toronto, took her case to court.

On Thursday, a judge found that the Adoption Act, a law that applies to anonymous sperm and egg donors, is discriminatory.

"I'm thrilled, I'm really happy," said Pratten. "It's definitely the right thing. It just feels really good to know that what we've been saying about the law for years is validated."

Pratten added that she had always known that the files about her biological dad were "probably destroyed" and doesn't know if she'll ever find out. "I just know that my experience, which was not good for me, will help people for the future," she said. "The government has been, at the provincial and federal level, absolutely appalling, that's why I had to go to court."

B.C. Supreme Court Justice Elaine Adair found that the Adoption Act was unfair because it allowed adopted kids to find out information about their biological parents, but prevented donor offspring such as Olivia from finding out anything about their parents.

"In my view, the evidence in this case provides strong support for the conclusion that the circumstances of adoptees and those of donor offspring with regard to the need to know and have connection with one's roots, are closely comparable," said the judge.

The judge suspended her decision to strike down the law for 15 months to give the B.C. legislature a chance to pass a new law in compliance with the Charter of Rights.

kfraser@theprovince.com



Reamore:http://www.theprovince.com/health/Court+strikes+down+anonymous+sperm+donor/4814921/story.html#ixzz1NBcVOKCx

Legislatia si serviciile pentru protectia copilului vor fi modificate, MMFPS incepe reevaluarea

Legislatia si serviciile pentru protectia copilului vor fi modificate, MMFPS incepe reevaluarea

20.05.2011

Ministerul Muncii, Familiei si Protectiei Sociale (MMFPS) a anuntat inceperea proiectului "Imbunatatirea eficacitatii organizationale a sistemului de protectie a copilului in Romania", finantat de Ministerul Administratiei si Internelor, Directia pentru Dezvoltarea Capacitatii Administrative, din Fondul Social European, in cadrul Programului Operational Dezvoltarea Capacitatii Administrative 2007 - 2013.

Proiectul se va derula timp de doi ani si va fi implementat in parteneriat cu Fundatia Sera Romania.

Presedintele organizatiei neguvernamentale, Bogdan Simion, a declarat vineri, pentru MEDIAFAX, ca in urmatorii doi ani urmeaza ca intreag cadrul legislativ din protectia copilului, inclusiv directiile generale de asistenta sociala si protectia copilului si serviciile publice de asistenta sociala (SPAS) din municipii si orase, vor fi reevaluate din punct de vedere al Legii 272/2004 privind respectarea drepturilor copilului, dar si din punct de vedere administrativ si financiar.

Sierra Leone: Former HANCI Boss Testifies in Adoption Case


Concord Times (Freetown)

Sierra Leone: Former HANCI Boss Testifies in Adoption Case

19 May 2011

Freetown — Former executive director of Help A Needy Child International (HANCI) on Tuesday testified under oath before the Justice Adeliza Showers Commission of Inquiry. The commission, which recommenced hearings on 1 May 2011, was set up by President Ernest Bai Koroma to investigate the HANCI/MAPS adoption of 29 Sierra Leonean children over a decade ago and to establish whether or not the biological parents had consented to the adoption of their kids.

Dr. Roland Foday Kargbo, who was HANCI's executive director up to November 2010, told the commission that the agency is a registered non-governmental organisation that has been working under the ambit of the laws of the country. Dr. Kargbo informed the commission that HANCI commenced operations in 2004 with the main aim of providing social support to orphans and vulnerable children. He said at that time, they were working in displaced camps thereby providing basic services such as comforting children, providing them with teaching service and a host of other things.
 
The academic doctor maintained that at the end of 1995 they established a partnership with a British non-governmental organization called Hope and Homes for Children which at the time was concerned with running an orphanage at No. 3 Mission Road in Makeni. He said the British NGO later built an orphanage back of Birch Memorial Secondary School in Makeni and promised to fund the home for one year. Within this period, HANCI came in contact with Maine Adoption Placement Service (MAPS) with the latter demonstrating a keen interest in adoption while Hope and Homes focused on reintegration. And because they had no interest in adoption and did not want to use their tax payers' money on such a venture, the organisation requested HANCI to separate their reintegration programme from the MAPS, Dr. Kargbo explained.
 
He further informed the commission that such an arrangement brought about the establishment of the Reintegration Center which was located at the back of Birch Memorial Secondary School in Makeni. The center hosted children that were to be reintegrated with their families and that was completely separate from the Child Survival Centre also known as Adoption Centre which was established for overseas adoption and upon the request made by Hope and Homes for Children, HANCI ended partnership with MAPS by the end of 1998, he said.

Dr. Kargbo noted that for those parents who took their children to the Child Survival Centre at 3 Mission Road, Makeni, a well codified multimedia approach was used to educate them about the implications of overseas adoption and this, he said, brought down the number of children that were in the centre from 33 to 29. He said three biological parents demanded for their children, which were returned to them, on the ground that they were no longer interested in the adoption process and that these parents were the Fofanah Family who had their twins adopted, the Jalloh Family and the Sheriff Family.
The former HANCI executive director stressed that those parents who consented for their children to be adopted were registered and the social history of their wards were taken by HANCI's social workers particularly John Gbla and Henry Abu. He said the parents and the programme manager Henry Abu went to the ministry of Social Welfare regional office in Makeni in which the former were interviewed by the probation officer and later went to the Makeni Magistrate Court for supervision court order.
Dr. Kargbo said at this juncture HANCI hired the services of a solicitor in the person of Fio Chrispin Edwards Esq. who applied to the social development officer at the ministry of Social Welfare in the person of Mr. Jawara for him to grant permission for the process to be looked into by the High Court. He revealed that the permission was granted and the adoption issue was taken to the High Court where the Chief Justice assigned senior justices to preside on the matter and later granted permission for the children to be adopted by overseas parents.

Dr. Kargbo also told the commission that HANCI fully facilitated the adoption process and saw the departure of 15 children from the Lungi International Airport in early 1998 while the process for the remaining 14 was initially facilitated by HANCI but later completed by MAPS through Cherith International, which was their local partner and John Gbla and Henry Abu serving as heads.

 

Bilan. Les démagogues et les lucides.

Bilan. Les démagogues et les lucides.

À contre-courant

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Je ne peux pas dire que ce soit une lecture agréable. À la place des gens de l’Élysée, j’aurais trouvé quelqu’un pour l’écrire en français. Je l’ai lu quand même. Il s’agit d’une compilation des réformes depuis 2007. L’exercice m’a rappelé une tentative antérieure. C’était sous Giscard. François de Combret avait tenu la plume avec un résultat plus brillant. Eh bien, la liste est impressionnante.

Je sais qu’elle est un peu gonflée, que tout n’est pas terminé dans ce qu’on nous pré­sente comme achevé et réussi, mais il s’en sera passé, des choses, en quatre ans de présidence?! Savoir si cela suffira à le faire réélire, l’exemple de Giscard pousserait à dire non, quoiqu’il ait raté de peu un second mandat. Mais cela suffirait à justifier qu’il se représente. Je vais écrire quelque chose qui n’est pas tendance?: je ne crois pas que Sarkozy ait à rougir de son bilan.

Cela ne l’empêche pas d’être impopulaire. Son comportement, sa personnalité se sont certainement retournés contre lui, et là dessus on a tout dit. C’est ce que veut exploiter François Hollande avec ses effets de Corrèze et son « président normal ». Mais je me demande si même mère Teresa pourrait être populaire dans les circonstances actuelles. Lisez la presse étrangère, regardez les émissions politiques ou satiriques, allez assister à un débat parlementaire à Londres, à Rome ou à Berlin, vous verrez qu’aucun dirigeant européen n’est épargné, même ceux des pays qui vont mieux que les autres.

Même Angela Merkel avec ses excédents records et ses mœurs de pasteur. On dit aussi que cette impopularité est sans précédent en France. J’en doute. Elle me paraît plus spectaculaire par ses moyens d’expression qu’elle n’atteint un niveau inégalé sous la Ve République. En fait, je la trouve médiatique. Cela ne veut pas dire que les médias la fabriquent, qu’ils complotent contre Sar­kozy, même si la plupart d’entre eux ne cachent pas leur parti pris?; d’autres sont à son service avec autant d’outrance que ceux qui le dénigrent. Cela veut simplement dire que ces moyens se sont multipliés, qu’ils sont à la portée de tout le monde.

N’importe qui aujourd’hui peut dire du mal du président, du gouvernement, du temps qu’il fait ou de sa sœur, n’importe où, n’importe quand, sur n’importe quel ton. Et qui s’en prive?? Mais quand on y réfléchit et qu’on débranche le haut-parleur, ce président n’est pas plus haï que ses prédécesseurs, je pense à de Gaulle et à Giscard, l’un pour des raisons historiques, l’autre pour des raisons sociales?; pas plus discrédité que Mitterrand par les scandales, plus déconsidéré que Chirac par ses bévues. Il me semble qu’il y a autre chose. Ce qui excite, qui encourage, qui fait que la critique tourne à l’antisarkozysme, c’est la certitude, chez de nombreux commentateurs ou acteurs du jeu politique, qu’il a déjà perdu.

Que cette conviction contribue à son impopularité, c’est certain. La gauche espère et la droite lui en veut. Que cette impopularité soit fatale et l’empêche d’être réélu, je ne le pense pas. J’ai même l’intuition du contraire. La popularité, pour peu qu’on prête attention à ce que vous avez fait et qu’on écoute ce que vous voulez faire, ça peut devenir accessoire. Personne n’est obligé d’aimer le candidat qu’il va choisir. L’impo­pu­larité, ce n’est pas une intention de vote.

Voyons ce qui vient de se passer au Royaume-Uni. David Came­ron a remporté un référendum et des élections locales malgré la mise en place d’un plan d’austérité aux effets redoutables. Plus de 500?000 personnes ont défilé au printemps dans les rues de Londres, du jamais-vu depuis les grandes grèves des années 1920. Mais le premier ministre a gagné tout de même, parce qu’il a été pris au sérieux. Son plan est détesté, mais il est appliqué. Il est vrai qu’il vient à peine d’être nommé et que ses électeurs n’ont pas voulu se déjuger. Il n’est pas moins vrai qu’ils ont soutenu un gouvernement qui depuis un an leur impose une terrible cure de lucidité à un moment où, chez nous, les candidats déjà en cam­pagne, de l’extrême gauche à l’extrême droite en passant par le Parti socialiste, rivalisent de démagogie et de vieilles lanternes. Si elle se confirme, la disqualification de Dominique Strauss-Kahn va simplifier les choix. Je crois à une clarification du débat, où le fond peut finir par l’emporter sur les formes.  Stéphane Denis

Start of Project: Proiectul “Imbunatatirea eficacitatii organizationale a sistemului de protectie a copilului in Romania”

Proiectul “Imbunatatirea eficacitatii organizationale a sistemului de protectie a copilului in Romania”

Legaturi: Proiecte legislative

, Familiei si Protectiei Sociale, in calitate de Beneficiar, anunta inceperea Proiectului “Imbunatatirea eficacitatii organizationale a sistemului de protectie a copilului in Romania”. Proiectul este finantat de Ministerul Administratiei si Internelor, Directia pentru Dezvoltarea Capacitatii Administrative, din Fondul Social European, in cadrul Programului Operational Dezvoltarea Capacitatii Administrative 2007 – 2013. Proiectul va fi implementat in parteneriat cu , pe o perioada de 24 de luni.

Obiectivul general al proiectului este acela de a realiza imbunatatirile de structura si proces necesare pentru cresterea eficacitatii organizationale a sistemului de protectie a copilului in Romania.

Obiectivele specifice ale Proiectului sunt:

1. Obiective specifice privind imbunatatirile de structura

1.1Restructurarea Directiilor Generale de Asistenta Sociala si Protectia Copilului (DGASPC) din judete si sectoarele municipiului Bucuresti, pentru a se asigura o organizare unitara si eficace a structurii acestora.
1.2 Dezvoltarea si intarirea capacitatii institutionale a Serviciilor Publice de Asistenta Sociala din municipii si orase (SPAS) si a structurilor de asistenta sociala echivalente din comune.
1.3 Imbunatatirea calitatii serviciilor publice oferite de DGASPC si SPAS prin perfectionarea/completarea reglementarilor si consolidarea implementarii standardelor de calitate a serviciilor, procedurilor si standardelor privind managementul cazurilor.
1.4 Imbunatatirea managementului resurselor umane, normarea activitatilor personalului si stabilirea indicatorilor de performanta adecvati la nivelul institutiilor si serviciilor DGASPC si SPAS.

2. Obiective specifice privind imbunatatirile de proces

2.1 Imbunatatirea si completarea procesului de adoptare, aplicare monitorizare si evaluare a deciziilor referitoare la protectia drepturilor copilului.
2.2 Imbunatatirea si completarea procedurilor si mecanismelor de cooperare si colaborare dintre DGASPC si SPAS, precum si a procesului de coordonare a activitatilor SPAS de pe teritoriul judetului de catre DGASPC.
2.3 Perfectionarea, dezvoltarea si extinderea monitorizarii centralizate a resurselor si activitatilor din .
2.4 Imbunatatirea eficacitatii activitatilor furnizorilor de servicii sociale, prin crearea unui sistem concurential bazat pe eficienta utilizarii resurselor alocate.

Sursa: Ministerul Muncii, Familiei si Protectiei Sociale