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KRO-team in het nauw op Haïti/TV vooraf

KRO-team in het nauw op Haïti/TV vooraf

Het team van het KRO-televisieprogramma 'Spoorloos' heeft vlak voor Kerstmis op Haïti moeten vluchten voor een woedende menigte om kort daarna bijna in een vunzige politiecel terecht te komen.

Fred Lammers8 januari 1999, 00:00

Presentatrice Karin de Groot, redacteur Liz de Kort en cameraman Boudewijn Huisman waren met de achttienjarige Mirlaine van der Pol en haar adoptiemoeder Hilly Visscher naar Jacmel, een dorp aan de kust van Haïti, gereisd om daar de ontmoeting van Mirlaine met haar grootmoeder te filmen. Het was haar hartenwens om oma terug te zien.

Twaalf jaar geleden werd Mirlaine samen met haar twee jaar jongere zusje Manouschka door de in Friesland wonende familie Van der Pol geadopteerd. Dat betekende voor hen een gedwongen afscheid van oma, die zich tot dat moment over de meisjes had ontfermd nadat hun biologische moeder hun leven in een hel had veranderd. Mirlaine deed een beroep op 'Spoorloos' in de hoop op die manier de vrouw die zo'n grote rol in haar jonge leven had gespeeld, nog eens te ontmoeten. Een plaatselijke correspondent lokaliseerde de biologische moeder van het meisje, die beloofde haar dochter met het camerateam naar oma te zullen brengen.

Blog: Familie Meier (Romania/Haiti)

xxx

Ons verhaal

De aanmelding

In mei 1994 hebben we ons als adoptiefouders aangemeld bij Justitie. Ergens in maart 1995 kregen we bericht dat we 6 V.I.A. - bijeenkomsten moesten volgen. De juiste data waren nog niet bekend. Van november 1995 tot en met februari 1996 hebben we deze gevolgd in Amsterdam. In die bijeenkomsten werd naar ons gevoel te veel de nadruk gelegd op wat er allemaal mis kan gaan bij adoptie. Ook kregen we een gevoel van ''Hoe halen jullie het in je hoofd om een kind te willen adopteren?'' De bijeenkomsten waren 's ochtends en 's middags hadden we gelukkig ook vrij omdat we meestal thuis zaten met een knetterende hoofdpijn. Gelukkig zat er iedere keer 2 weken tussen de bijeenkomsten. Dan was het nare gevoel weer afgezakt om weer met een bepaalde vorm van woede naar de volgende bijeenkomst te gaan. Ik begrijp best dat enige voorlichting nodig is, maar als we via de natuurlijke weg een kind hadden kunnen krijgen, had niemand ons zo 'gemangeld'

Voorlichtingscursus

"Take This Child": Why Women Abandon Their Infants in Bangladesh

 

"Take This Child": Why Women Abandon Their Infants in Bangladesh

Journal article by Margot Wilson; Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 30, 1999

Journal Article Excerpt

 
"Take This Child": Why Women Abandon Their Infants in Bangladesh

 

by MARGOT WILSON

 

 

MARGOT WILSON [*]

 

INTRODUCTION

 

On Friday, a young woman came to the gate. She appeared to be no more than 16 years old. Her feet were bare and her sari was torn and very dirty. She handed an equally tattered bundle to the social worker and said, "Take this child. I can't manage her any more. She will die if you don't take her." (Field journal, Centre for the Training and Rehabilitation of Destitute Women, Bangladesh 1992)

 

The abandonment of children is by no means a recent development. Abandonment is, in fact, an ancient strategy as demonstrated in the social histories of Western Europe (Boswell 1988), England (Fairchilds 1984, Rose 1986), France (Fuchs 1984, Litchfield and Gordon 1980, Maza 1983), Russia (Ransel 1978, 1988), and Spain (Sherwood 1988). Even as recently as the 1950s abandoned children were brought from foundling homes in Britain to the United States, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, South Africa and Rhodesia to work as labourers on family farms [1] (Bean and Melville 1990, see also Harrison 1979, McClure 1981, Wagner 1982).

 

More recently, Gulati et al. (1977) have described an "orphanage-cum-rescue home" operating in Goa where Indian women routinely abandon their infants born out of wedlock. Ait-Zai (1989) has shown that women in Algeria often give up or kill out of wedlock children due to the disgrace such a birth brings on the family. Thus, abandonment is restricted neither geographically nor temporally to modem-day Bangladesh. Nevertheless, little detailed information is available regarding the reasons why mothers choose to abandon their infants.

 

In response to this dearth of information, this study provides an in depth analysis of the decision processes of abandoning mothers and families. The data were collected from the Centre for Training and Rehabilitation of Destitute Women (CTRDW), a shelter for abandoned women and children located in Dhaka, Bangladesh. Akanda(1981) has described the situation of abandoned children in state institutions in Bangladesh generally. She recommends the placement of these children in permanent homes but discusses numerous difficulties inherent in their "adoption." Among these difficulties are illegitimacy, poverty and "unknown origin" of the child. Chowdhury and Shamim (1994) have written specifically about the CTRDW program. They review primarily those aspects of the CTRDW programme related to the abandonment of children and permanent fosterage. Their discussion of the "reasons" why women abandon their children is confined to a single table from which they conclude, "economic reasons are inseparable from the social ones in most of the cases of abandonment" (Chowdhury and Shamim: 51-53).

 

The discussion that follows moves beyond the work of Chowdhury and Shamim to provide a detailed analysis of the circumstances under which families, and in particular newly parturient mothers, choose to abandon their infants to the CTRDW. In the following sections, "reasons" for the abandonment as given by the relinquishing mothers are discussed. Many of these "reasons" are related and overlap. They describe two alternative paths to abandonment for children depending on the marital status of their mothers. The paper begins with a description of the CTRDW and the client population followed by a discussion of the methods used in this study. The ways in which individuals become detached from their families are discussed along with how abandonment is related to the positioning of women within kin systems and the broader society. Similarly, the impact of poverty on family dynamics, the ways in which attitudes surrounding abandonment are culturally constructed and how economic constraints influence the decision-mak ing of mothers and families who abandon their infants is discussed.

 

CTRDW

 

The CTRDW is a shelter for abandoned women and children located in Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh. Situated near to several long-established slum areas, the CTRDW draws the majority of its clientele from the lowest economic classes.

 

Accordingly, the data presented here reflect the experiences of poor women and children and do not attempt to portray the situation of women in other circumstances. The primary focus of the CTRDW programme is providing support and shelter to abandoned pregnant women. The care and placement in permanent foster homes of the abandoned infants of these women is a concomitant concern. Programme supports include a residence for women and children, an intensive care unit, a 24 hour day care centre, and life skills and income generating training. [2]

 

The CTRDW opened its doors in December 1981. The data presented here cover the 8 year period from its inception up to and including January l989. ...

What did Dr Preger do in Bangladesh?

What did Dr Preger do in Bangladesh?

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Who is Dr Jack Preger? What did he do in Bangladesh and what does he do in India?

In the early 1960s, he studied politics, philosophy and economics and obtained a post-graduate degree from Oxford University. "We were all rabid Marxists then and I decided to take to farming instead of a regular job."

The Leftist student movement then in Europe did have an influence on the young man who decided to visit a Third World country. "I went to Morocco and seeing the conditions there decided to work in a Third World country. Naturally, the best option was to become a doctor."

He enrolled himself in a medical school in England at the age of 41 and became Dr Jack Preger.

"That was in 1972 and I had just finished my internship. Bangladesh was still recovering from its wounds of liberation struggle and teeming with camps full of orphans. I went to Dhaka," recalls Dr Preger.

He worked in refugee camps meant for Urdu-speaking people who wanted to return to Pakistan. "The camps were located in swamps and during monsoon the situation used to be horrible."

Soon with foreign funding he established a 90-bed clinic in Dhaka and two farms on the outskirts of the city without realising that his hard work would soon go down the drain.

"The mid-1970s witnessed the infamous Bangladesh famine and the government was forcibly bundling off pavement dwellers to faraway camps which were again located in swamps. Mothers were willing to hand over their children to anyone who could provide them with some food," says Dr Preger.

"I was then associated with a non-government organisation, Terredeshome, Netherlands. They offered to put these poor Bangladeshi children in homes. A large number of mothers gave away their children.

"But I soon found out that there were no homes and the organisation was running a racket in adoption. They were charging large sums of money and putting them up for international adoption. I informed the Bangladesh government but was told to keep quiet or get thrown out."

But Dr Preger decided to spill the beans and made an issue of it.

"I was arrested in 1979 and put in a plane bound for Singapore. But the worst part was that the 90-bed clinic was confiscated by the government and sold to a businessman who turned it into a garment factory. The two farms were closed down and the children there were driven out," Dr Preger laments.

He went back to England with a heavy heart but his love for Bengal did not die. He chose the other side of the border and came to Calcutta the same year.

"I had first come to Calcutta in 1972 and since then came frequently to buy medical equipment and medicines for the Dhaka clinic."

For the first six months he worked for the Missionaries Brothers of Charity. Mother Teresa gave him a certificate stating, 'I have seen the work of Dr Jack Preger in Bangladesh and what I saw was very good for the people and the children. I do hope he will be able to give that same service to the needy here in Calcutta also.'

But being without a religious bent of mind Dr Preger soon ventured out on his own. He started a clinic for the poor below the flyover connecting the Howrah bridge.

Trouble started in 1980 when the FRO described him as a 'Christian missionary' -- he had accepted donation from an US-based missionary organisation.

He went to Delhi and explained his position to Union home ministry officials. Since Commonwealth citizens at that time did not need visas he was allowed to stay in Calcutta.

"In 1981 I had an air ticket to go to Europe, on a Wednesday. The FRO asked me to leave by Monday. On Tuesday they arrested me and put me in the prison and charged me with entering India without a missionary visa. I came out on bail and continued with my clinics while the trial went on."

Ultimately, in 1989 the then high commissioner of New Zealand in India, Sir Edmund Hillary intervened and the West Bengal government dropped the charges against him.

Within two years Dr Preger got Calcutta Rescue registered as a society by law and started two more clinics for the poor in Calcutta. Foreign donations poured in and volunteers from abroad worked regularly at the pavement clinics.

But Dr Preger's ordeal was yet to be over.

He was receiving donations from as many as eight European countries for Calcutta Rescue and its sister organisations like Calcutta Espoir, Help Calcutta and Calcutta Esperanza.

Under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, a clearance was needed from the Union home ministry to receive foreign donations.

"They kept on blocking our funds and started harassing us. Despite our submitting the relevant documents they would show us empty files," Dr Preger alleges.

Little did he know that it was usual to pay a percentage of the foreign donations and get the job done.

"We moved the Calcutta high court alleging abuse of power and won the case. The court allowed us to bring in Rs 1 million each month. The government moved the Supreme Court which gave an interim order allowing us to bring in Rs 1.5 million each month. But it also asked the CBI to audit our accounts and submit a report."

According to Dr Preger, the CBI audited Calcutta Rescue's accounts and submitted its report to the apex court though he has not been given a copy.

Despite such harassment, Dr Preger carried on with his mission with zeal. His pavement clinic at downtown Middleton Row was closed down, allegedly at the behest of a property developer. Anti-socials forced him to close another clinic in north Calcutta as he refused concede to their extortions. But he carried on.

At present his organisation runs three clinics in the city other than a leprosy and tuberculosis clinic, funded by the World Health Organisation, where each day hundreds of poor people come for treatment.

There are three schools for poor and orphaned children -- one near a red light area in Calcutta where children of sex workers are taught and fed.

In addition there are two vocational training centres in the suburbs where 36 women are engaged in training others and making handicrafts meant for export.

So what are his plans particularly after the FRO action?

"I will certainly not take it lying down. We had always won in the court in the past and this time too I am confident of winning this case. I do not know of their reports but I have nothing to do with religion and am not bothered about the religion of the people whom we are helping," Dr Preger says confidently.

But sources in the West Bengal government revealed, "The orders came from the Union home ministry. The adverse reports are that he chooses to work in areas dominated by minorities and they benefit from the foreign funds."

 

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Les Fonds perdus des orphelinats roumains

Le Point - Publié le 23/01/2007 à 13:42

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Les Fonds perdus des orphelinats roumains
Les  fonds perdus des orphelinats roumains Les  fonds perdus des orphelinats roumains

    La plupart  des orphelinats roumains se trouvent, à nouveau, dans une situation  catastrophique. Pourtant, depuis la chute de Ceausescu, les organisations  non gouvernementales et la Commission européenne, qui a débloqué  400 millions de francs de 1990 à 1997, n'ont pas ménagé  leurs efforts. Où est donc passé cet argent ? « Les  400 millions n'ont pas bénéficié aux enfants abandonnés  de Roumanie mais aux intermédiaires occidentaux chargés par  les services de la Commission d'exécuter les programmes », lit-on dans le dernier rapport de l'association française Solidarité  enfants roumains abandonnés. « Nous avons vu défiler  trop d'experts occidentaux », confirme pour sa part Nadine Outin,  permanente de Médecins du monde à Bucarest.   
    Pourtant, à la fin de 1996, la  création, par le nouveau gouvernement de centre droit, d'un département  pour la protection de l'enfant dirigé par Cristian Tabacaru, jeune  et compétent médecin soutenu par la Commission européenne,  ouvrait de sérieuses perspectives d'amélioration. C'est le  contraire qui s'est produit : la situation des enfants abandonnés  a empiré. Et la Commission lâche l'argent au compte-gouttes.  Si bien qu'aujourd'hui les orphelinats ne peuvent assurer ni la nourriture  des enfants ni les salaires des employés, dont bon nombre ne sont  pas payés depuis plusieurs mois.   
    Bruxelles renvoie la faute sur les autorités  roumaines, qui, confrontées à une grave crise économique,  coupent dans les dépenses sociales pour complaire aux exigences  du FMI. Pour la Commission, toute idée d'adhésion de la Roumanie  à la Communauté est exclue tant que rien ne sera fait pour  les orphelinats, action qui relève du simple respect des droits  de l'homme. Radu Vasile, le Premier ministre, dans un document resté  confidentiel, s'est engagé, en juillet, à débloquer  730 millions de francs sur le milliard nécessaire à la simple  survie des orphelinats jusqu'en avril 2000. Bruxelles réunirait  les fonds manquants en coopération avec d'autres institutions internationales.  Comme on imagine mal à Bucarest comment le gouvernement pourra tenir  ses engagements, on a peu d'espoir de voir arriver les fonds communautaires.  Du coup, on se prend à penser que la Commission, pour ne pas renouveler  les échecs passés - qu'elle nie -, fait tout pour ne plus  s'engager, alors que la situation des orphelinats roumains frôle  la tragédie.    Mirel Bran (à Bucarest)

Annual Report Europol

2.4.3. Adoption of Children

Due to the complexity of adoption legislation, the slowness of adopting processes and the long

waiting lists for legal adoptions in most Member States, couples from the EU travel to poorer

countries in order to “purchase” children. The conditions of extreme poverty in some

countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe encourage this illegal activity.

Terre des Hommes: Trafficking project Advisory Board

Advisory Board

John Davies

Dr. John Davies is a fellow of the Royal Society of Arts, a member of the European Commission's expert network on migration, integration and social cohesion and a visiting research fellow at the Sussex Centre for Migration Research at the University of Sussex. He has worked among vulnerable migrants since 1977 and has consistently worked with migrant people to maximise the benefits of migration while seeking to reduce the risks. He has extensive experience of vulnerable migration in the Gulf States, South and South East Asia, Europe and particularly the Balkans where he has lived and worked for almost 20 years. He has repeatedly and successfully challenged controversial State controls over the mobility of women and children that presume a common agenda regarding the best interests of such groups. His research and publications on trafficking emphasise the diversity of trafficking experiences and the need to acknowledge the self-solutions of trafficked people to their exploitation. His latest book is an ethnographic examination of the experiences of trafficked Albanian women in France that challenges common presumptions regarding the migration motivation and trafficking vulnerability of Albanian women.

John Frederick

John Frederick is a technical consultant for international organizations in South Asia. He designs research activities in human trafficking, sex work and migration, and assists in the development of strategies and capacity-building activities for governments and local organizations conducting the recovery and social integration of victims of trafficking, domestic violence, armed conflict and sexual abuse. He is the author of Fallen Angels: the Sex Workers of South Asia, among other publications.

STV withdraws from cooperation with John Davies, Salamon Alapitvany Foundation (Hungary), Morava Foundations (Albania, Romania)

STV withdraws from cooperation with John Davies, Salamon Alapitvany Foundation (Hungary), Morava Foundations (Albania, Romania)

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Subject: STV withdraws from cooperation with John Davies, Salamon Alapitvany Foundation (Hungary), Morava Foundations (Albania, Romania)

From: Jyothi Kanics (jkanics@igc.apc.org)

Date: Tue Feb 09 1999 - 14:33:33 EST

Wie alles begann - Zukunft fur kinder

Wie alles begann

Nach der Geburt unseres ersten Kindes 1989 befassten wir, Karin und Valentin Sorg, uns zum ersten Mal mit dem Thema Adoption – wir wollten einem Kind, das nicht das Glück hatte, in einer intakten Familie zur Welt zu kommen, ein neues Zuhause geben – und stellten einen Adoptionsantrag beim Jugendamt. In den nächsten Jahren kamen unsere weiteren sechs Kinder zur Welt, dennoch begleitete uns das Thema Adoption durch die ganze Zeit. Nach der Geburt unseres siebten Kindes bewarben wir uns beim “Internationalen Sozialdienst“ in Frankfurt für die Aufnahme eines Kindes aus Rumänien. Im Frühjahr 1999 haben wir unser erstes Adoptivkind in einem rumänischen Kinderheim kennengelernt. Die Zustände hier schockierten uns so sehr, dass wir uns nach unserer Rückkehr spontan entschlossen zu helfen.

Wir gründeten im Februar 1999 den gemeinnützigen Verein “Zukunft für Kinder“. Es folgten viele Sammelaktionen und Hilfstransporte in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Technischen Hilfswerk. Im Juni 2000 entschlossen wir uns aufgrund einer Anfrage aus Rumänien vier Geschwisterkinder in unserer Familie aufzunehmen und erhielten letztendlich die Genehmigung des Jugendamtes zur Adoption dieser Kinder.

Im August 2000 teilte uns der “Internationale Sozialdienst“ in Frankfurt mit, dass er seine Vermittlungstätigkeit von Kindern aus Rumänien einstellen wird und fragte an, ob wir uns als Verein vorstellen könnten, eine internationale Adoptionsvermittlungsstelle zu gründen, um die Adoptionsvermittlung rumänischer Kinder fortzuführen. Nachdem wir uns intensiv mit diesem Thema befasst hatten, stellten wir einen Antrag auf Anerkennung beim zuständigen Landesjugendamt in Karlsruhe und wurden mit Wirkung zum 1. März 2001 als internationale Adoptionsvermittlungsstelle zugelassen.

Familie Sorg